What do liberals and conservatives have in common? How do liberals differ from conservatives? Briefly about the social movement of liberals and conservatives

The defeat of the Decembrists and the strengthening of the government's police and repressive policies did not lead to a decline in the social movement. On the contrary, it became even more animated. Various St. Petersburg and Moscow salons (home meetings of like-minded people), circles of officers and officials, and higher education institutions became centers for the development of social thought. educational establishments(primarily Moscow University), literary magazines: “Moskvityanin”, “Bulletin of Europe”. “Domestic Notes”, “Contemporary”, etc. In social movement second quarter of the 19th century The demarcation of three ideological directions began: radical, liberal and conservative. In contrast to the previous period, the activities of conservatives who defended the existing system in Russia intensified.

Conservatism in Russia was based on theories that proved the inviolability of autocracy and serfdom. The idea of ​​the need for autocracy as a unique form of political power inherent in Russia since ancient times has its roots in the period of strengthening of the Russian state. It developed and improved during the 18th-19th centuries. adapting to new socio-political conditions. This idea acquired a special resonance for Russia after absolutism was ended in Western Europe. At the beginning of the 19th century. N. M. Karamzin wrote about the need to preserve the wise autocracy, which, in his opinion, “founded and resurrected Russia.” The speech of the Decembrists intensified conservative social thought.

For the ideological justification of autocracy, the Minister of Public Education, Count S.S. Uvarov, created the theory of official nationality. It was based on three principles: autocracy, Orthodoxy, nationality. This theory reflected enlightenment ideas about unity, the voluntary union of the sovereign and the people, and the absence of social antagonisms in Russian society. The uniqueness of Russia lay in the recognition of autocracy as the only possible form of government in it. This idea became the basis for conservatives until the collapse of the autocracy in 1917. Serfdom was seen as a benefit for the people and the state. Conservatives believed that landowners provide fatherly care for the peasants, and also help the government maintain order and tranquility in the village. According to conservatives, it was necessary to preserve and strengthen the class system, in which the nobility played a leading role as the main support of the autocracy. Orthodoxy was understood as the deep religiosity and commitment to orthodox Christianity inherent in the Russian people. From these postulates, the conclusion was drawn about the impossibility and unnecessaryness of fundamental social changes in Russia, about the need to strengthen the autocracy and serfdom.

The theory of official nationality and other ideas of conservatives were developed by journalists F.V. Bulgarin and N.I. Grech, professors at Moscow University M.P. Pogodin and S.P. Shevyrev. The theory of official nationality was not only propagated through the press, but was also widely introduced into the education system.

Liberal direction

The theory of official nationality caused sharp criticism from the liberal-minded part of society. The most famous was the speech of P. Ya. Chaadaev, who wrote “Philosophical Letters” criticizing autocracy, serfdom and the entire official ideology. In his first letter, published in the Telescope magazine in 1836, P. Ya. Chaadaev denied the possibility of social progress in Russia and saw nothing bright either in the past or in the present of the Russian people. In his opinion, Russia, cut off from Western Europe, ossified in its moral, religious, Orthodox dogmas, was in dead stagnation. He saw the salvation of Russia, its progress, in the use of European experience, in the unification of the countries of Christian civilization into a new community that would ensure the spiritual freedom of all peoples.

The government brutally dealt with the author and publisher of the letter. P. Ya. Chaadaev was declared crazy and placed under police supervision. Telescope magazine was closed. Its editor, N.I. Nadezhdin, was expelled from Moscow with a ban on engaging in publishing and pedagogical activity. However, the ideas expressed by P. Ya. Chaadaev caused a great public outcry and had a significant impact on the further development of social thought.

At the turn of the 30-40s of the 19th century. Among the liberals opposing the government, two ideological trends emerged - Slavophilism and Westernism. The ideologists of the Slavophiles were writers, philosophers and publicists: K. S. and I. S. Aksakov, I. V. and P. V. Kireevsky, A. S. Khomyakov, Yu. F. Samarin and others. The ideologists of the Westerners were historians, lawyers, writers and publicists: T. N. Granovsky, K. D. Kavelin, S. M. Solovyov, V. P. Botkin, P. V. Annenkov, I. I. Panaev, V. F. Korsh and other representatives These movements were united by the desire to see Russia prosperous and powerful among all European powers. To do this, they considered it necessary to change its socio-political system, establish a constitutional monarchy, soften and even abolish serfdom, provide peasants with small plots of land, and introduce freedom of speech and conscience. Fearing revolutionary upheavals, they believed that the government itself should carry out the necessary reforms. At the same time, there were significant differences in the views of Slavophiles and Westerners.

Slavophiles exaggerated the peculiarity of the historical path of development of Russia and its national identity. The capitalist system that had established itself in Western Europe seemed to them vicious, bringing impoverishment of the people and a decline in morals. Idealizing the history of pre-Petrine Rus', they insisted on returning to those orders when Zemsky Sobors conveyed the opinion of the people to the authorities, when patriarchal relations supposedly existed between landowners and peasants. At the same time, the Slavophiles recognized the need to develop industry, crafts and trade. One of the fundamental ideas of the Slavophiles was that the only true and deeply moral religion is Orthodoxy. In their opinion, the Russian people have a special spirit of collectivism, in contrast to Western Europe, where individualism reigns. The struggle of the Slavophiles against servility to the West, their study of the history of the people and people's life had a great positive significance for the development of Russian culture.

Westerners proceeded from the fact that Russia should develop in line with European civilization. They sharply criticized the Slavophiles for contrasting Russia and the West, explaining its difference by historical backwardness. Denying the special role of the peasant community, Westerners believed that the government imposed it on the people for the convenience of administration and tax collection. They advocated broad education of the people, believing that this was the only sure way for the success of modernization of the socio-political system of Russia. Their criticism of serfdom and calls for changes in domestic policy also contributed to the development of socio-political thought.

Slavophiles and Westerners laid the foundation in the 30-50s of the 19th century. the basis of the liberal-reformist direction in the social movement.

Radical direction

In the second half of the 20s - the first half of the 30s, characteristic organizational form The anti-government movement became circles that united no more than 20-30 members. They appeared in Moscow and in the provinces, where police surveillance and espionage were not as established as in St. Petersburg. Their participants shared the ideology of the Decembrists and condemned the reprisal against them. At the same time, they tried to overcome the mistakes of their predecessors, distributed freedom-loving poems, and criticized government policies. The works of the Decembrist poets became widely known. All of Russia was reading the famous message to Siberia by A.S. Pushkin and the Decembrists’ response to him.

Moscow University became the center for the formation of anti-serfdom and anti-autocratic ideology (the circles of the brothers P. M. and V. Kritsky, N. P. Sungurov, etc.). These circles operated for a short time and did not grow into organizations capable of having a serious impact on changing the political situation in Russia. Their members only discussed domestic politics and made naive plans for reforming the country. However, the government brutally dealt with the circle participants. Student A. Polezhaev was expelled from the university for his freedom-loving poem “Sashka” and given up as a soldier. By personal order of the emperor, some of the members of the circle of the Cretan brothers were imprisoned in the Shlisselburg fortress and the casemate of the Solovetsky Monastery, some were evicted from Moscow and placed under police supervision. The court sentenced some members of the Sungurov Society to exile to hard labor, others to conscription as soldiers.

Secret organizations of the first half of the 30s of the XIX century. were mainly educational in nature. Groups formed around N.V. Stankevich, V.G. Belinsky, A.I. Herzen and N.P. Ogarev, whose members studied domestic and foreign political works and promoted the latest Western philosophy.

The second half of the 1930s was characterized by a decline in the social movement due to the destruction of secret circles and the closure of a number of leading magazines. Many public figures were carried away by the philosophical postulate of G.V.F. Hegel “everything rational is real, everything real is rational” and on this basis tried to come to terms with the “vile”, according to V.G. Belinsky, Russian reality.

In the 40s of the XIX century. a new upsurge has emerged in a radical direction. He was associated with the activities of V. G. Belinsky, A. I. Herzen, N. P. Ogarev, M. V. Butashevich-Petrashevsky and others.

Literary critic V. G. Belinsky, revealing the ideological content of the works under review, instilled in readers hatred of tyranny and serfdom, and love for the people. The ideal of a political system for him was a society in which “there will be no rich, no poor, no kings, no subjects, but there will be brothers, there will be people.” V. G. Belinsky was close to some of the ideas of the Westerners, but he also saw the negative sides of European capitalism. His “Letter to Gogol” became widely known, in which he condemned the writer for mysticism and refusal of social struggle. V. G. Belinsky wrote: “Russia does not need sermons, but the awakening of a sense of human dignity. Civilization, enlightenment, humanity should become the property of the Russian people.” The “Letter”, distributed in hundreds of lists, had great importance to educate the new generation public figures radical direction.

Petrashevtsy

The revival of the social movement in the 40s was expressed in the creation of new circles. After the name of the leader of one of them - M.V. Butashsvich-Pstrashevsky - its participants were called Petrashevites. The circle included officials, officers, teachers, writers, publicists and translators (F. M. Dostoevsky, M. E. Saltykov-Shchedrin, A. N. Maikov, A. N. Pleshcheev, etc.).

M.V. Pegrashevky, together with his friends, created the first collective library, which consisted mainly of works on the humanities. Not only St. Petersburg residents, but also residents of provincial cities could use the books. To discuss problems related to the domestic and foreign policy of Russia, as well as literature, history and philosophy, members of the circle organized their meetings - known in St. Petersburg as “Fridays”. To widely promote their views, the Petrashevites in 1845-1846. took part in the publication of the “Pocket Dictionary” foreign words, included in the Russian language." In it they outlined the essence of European socialist teachings, especially Charles Fourier, which had a great influence on the formation of their worldview.

Petrashevites strongly condemned autocracy and serfdom. In the republic they saw the ideal of a political system and outlined a program of broad democratic reforms. In 1848, M. V. Petrashevsky created the “Project for the Liberation of Peasants,” proposing direct, free and unconditional liberation of them with the plot of land that they cultivated. The radical part of the Petrashevites came to the conclusion that there was an urgent need for an uprising, driving force which the peasants and mining workers of the Urals were supposed to become.

The circle of M. V. Petrashevsky was discovered by the government in April 1849. More than 120 people were involved in the investigation. The commission qualified their activities as a “conspiracy of ideas.” Despite this. members of the circle were severely punished. A military court sentenced 21 people to death, but at the last minute the execution was commuted to indefinite hard labor. (The re-enactment of the execution is very expressively described by F. M. Dostoevsky in the novel “The Idiot.”)

The activities of M. V. Petrashevsky’s circle marked the beginning of the spread of Western European socialist ideas in Russia.

A. I. Herzen and the theory of communal socialism. The creation of a domestic version of socialist theory is associated with the name of A. I. Herzen. He and his friend N.P. Ogarev, while still boys, swore an oath to fight for a better future for the people. For participating in a student circle and singing songs with “vile and malicious” expressions addressed to the Tsar, they were arrested and sent into exile. In the 30s and 40s, A.I. Herzen was engaged in literary activities. His works contained the idea of ​​​​the struggle for personal freedom, protest against violence and tyranny. The police closely monitored his work. Realizing that it was impossible to enjoy freedom of speech in Russia, A. I. Herzen went abroad in 1847. In London he founded the Free Russian Printing House (1853). published 8 books in the collection “Polar Star”, on the title of which he placed a miniature of the profiles of 5 executed Decembrists, and organized, together with N.P. Ogarev, the publication of the first uncensored newspaper “The Bell” (1857-1867). Subsequent generations of revolutionaries saw the great merit of A. I. Herzen in creating a free Russian press abroad.

In his youth, A. I. Herzen shared many of the ideas of Westerners and recognized the unity historical development Russia and Western Europe. However, close acquaintance with the European order, disappointment in the results of the revolutions of 1848-1849. convinced him that the historical experience of the West is not suitable for the Russian people. In this regard, he began searching for a fundamentally new, fair social order and created the theory of communal socialism. A. I. Herzen saw the ideal of social development in socialism, in which there would be no private property and exploitation. In his opinion, the Russian peasant is devoid of private property instincts and is accustomed to public ownership of land and its periodic redistribution. In the peasant community, A. I. Herzen saw a ready-made cell of the socialist system. Therefore, he concluded that the Russian peasant is quite ready for socialism and that in Russia there is no social basis for the development of capitalism. The question of the ways of transition to socialism was resolved by A. I. Herzen in a contradictory way. In some works he wrote about the possibility of a popular revolution, in others he condemned violent methods of changing the political system. The theory of communal socialism, developed by A. I. Herzen, largely served as the ideological basis for the activities of the radicals of the 60s and revolutionary populists of the 70s of the 19th century.

In general, the second quarter of the 19th century. was a time of “external slavery” and “internal liberation.” Some remained silent, frightened by government repression. Others insisted on maintaining autocracy and serfdom. Still others were actively looking for ways to renew the country and improve its socio-political system. The main ideas and trends that emerged in the socio-political movement of the first half of the 19th century continued to develop with minor changes in the second half.

CONSERVATIVES AND LIBERALS CONSERVATIVES AND LIBERALS

Conservatism is the veneration of a dead revolution.
Clinton Rossiter
Conservatism is burning bridges in front of yourself. True conservatism is the struggle of eternity with time, the resistance of incorruptibility to decay.
Nikolay Berdyaev
Anyone who was not a liberal at sixteen has no heart; Anyone who hasn't become a conservative by sixty has no head.
Benjamin Disraeli
Conservatism is a complex phenomenon. Other conservatives call themselves communists only out of conservatism.
Gabriel Laub
Nothing can be done for the first time - this is the belief of a true conservative.
Frank Vanderlip
A conservative is a person who looks forward to the past and regrets the future.
Leonard Louis Levinson
A conservative is a statesman in love with existing disorders, in contrast to a liberal, who seeks to replace them with disorders of a different kind.
Ambrose Bierce
A conservative is a liberal who has grandchildren.
Leo Rockwell
Liberals feel they don't deserve everything they have. Conservatives feel they deserve everything they have stolen.
Mort Sal
We liberals and progressives know that the poor are our equals in every way except that they are not our equals.
Lionel Trilling
A liberal can understand everything, except people who do not understand him. The liberal dreams of changes that do not threaten his position.
Stokely Carmichael
Moderate liberalism: a dog needs freedom, but it still needs to be kept on a chain.
Anton Chekhov
There is no task more worthy of a true liberal than to await further clarification with confidence.
Mikhail Saltykov-Shchedrin
If God were a liberal, instead of the Ten Commandments we would have ten sentences.
Malcolm Bradbury
(cm. LEFT AND RIGHT), ( cm. TRADITION)

(Source: “The Big Book of Aphorisms.” Dushenko K.V. Ed. 5th, revised. - M.: EKSMO-Press Publishing House, 2001.)


Consolidated encyclopedia of aphorisms. Academician 2011.

See what “CONSERVATIVES AND LIBERALS” are in other dictionaries:

    Liberals and conservatives. Wed. My mother’s brother, Prince Semyon Odolensky, a shameless liberal of the most unliberal time, was a man full of all sorts of contradictions and eccentricities. Leskov. Laughter and grief. 8. Wed. I'm a liberal, but between... ... Michelson's Large Explanatory and Phraseological Dictionary (original spelling)

    Wed. My mother’s brother, Prince Semyon Odolensky, a shameless liberal of the most unliberal times, was a man full of all sorts of contradictions and eccentricities. Leskov. Laughter and grief. 8. Wed. I am a liberal, and among my own people I am even considered to be red...... ... Michelson's Large Explanatory and Phraseological Dictionary

    Canada- (Canada) State of Canada, geography, history, population and cities of Canada Information about the state of Canada, geography, history, cities and population of Canada, economy and political structure of the state Contents Contents Nature Relief.… … Investor Encyclopedia

    - (Great Britain) state in the West. Europe, located on the British about you. Official name B. United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland; The whole of Britain is often inaccurately called England (after the name ...

    - (Sverige) state in the North. Europe, occupies the east. and south parts of the Scandinavian Peninsula. Includes the islands of Gotland and Öland in the Baltic Sea. It borders Denmark, Norway and Finland. Plogd. 449.8 thousand km2 (without inland waters 411.1 thousand km2). Us. 8,177,000 people... Soviet historical encyclopedia

    Symbol of the Mayan god of creation and destruction Itzamna ... Wikipedia

    I (Sachsen) kingdom, part of the German Empire, is located between 50°10 and 51°29 north. lat. and 11°62 and 15°2 east. duty. from Grinich, borders to the north and east with Prussia, to the south and southeast with Austria (Czech Republic), to the southwest with Bavaria, to the west with Saxon... ... Encyclopedic Dictionary F.A. Brockhaus and I.A. Efron

    Republic of Chile, state in South. America. The name is in the language of the Arawak Indians, whose chilli is cold, winter, which is associated with their perception of the snowy peaks of the Andes. Geographical names of the world: Toponymic dictionary. M: AST. Pospelov E.M. 2001. Chile... Geographical encyclopedia

    Chile- (Chile) State of Chile, history and geography of Chile State of Chile, history and geography of Chile, political and economic structure Contents Contents Nature Terrain Andes Coastal plateau Central, or Longitudinal, valley... ... Investor Encyclopedia

Books

  • Discourses on Representative Government, John Stuart Mill. The book is a comprehensive, systematic exposition of the principles of the parliamentary system of government, written at a time when “both conservatives and liberals... had lost faith in the political...

The name of Alexander II is associated with the most important reforms in Russia in the 19th century. The weakening of state control over the internal political life of the country led to the development of a new political movement - liberalism.

Briefly about the social movement of liberals and conservatives

Under Alexander II, new socio-political movements appeared, which saw their own paths for the further development of Russia.

Liberalism is a political movement that advocates the adoption, maintenance and observance of human rights and freedoms, as well as the provision of civil rights.

Conservatism - a political movement aimed at maintaining and preserving existing orders.

The social movement of liberals and conservatives was united by one common goal - to transform Russia through the path of reform, not revolution. The main topic of their discussions was methods and means of achieving this task.

TOP 5 articleswho are reading along with this

With the coming to power of Alexander II, the conservatives quickly established their influence on the emperor, which was facilitated by the Polish uprising of 1863 and the activities of the People's Will. The conservatives reached even greater heights after the death of the emperor, when he ascended the throne Alexander III. The brightest representatives of this trend were Chief Prosecutor of the Synod K. P. Pobedonostsev and journalist M. N. Katkov.

Rice. 1. K. P. Pobedonostsev.

The liberal movement was represented by B. N. Chicherin, S. A. Muromtsev, K. D. Kavelin and others. Let us find out what are the differences between these currents by studying

Table “Public movement liberals and conservatives”

The beginning of the reign of Alexander II was marked by a sharp growth of liberal ideas, which resulted in the Great Reforms of the 60s. In 1860, the liberal movement released its first printed document, “Letter to the Publisher.” It indicates the main theses, among which the desire to achieve many freedoms for the subjects of the empire is voiced, among which there is freedom of conscience, freedom from serfdom, printing, teaching, publicity of government actions, openness of courts, expression of general opinion. However, there was no requirement to adopt a Constitution, since the liberals themselves believed that at the moment Russia was not ready for it.

In 1861, a precedent occurred in liberal circles - the Tver nobility renounced their rights and freedoms, which the emperor was notified about. By this they wanted to force Alexander II to listen to the people in carrying out reforms.

Rice. 2. Portrait of Alexander II.

A greater blow to liberalism was dealt by the departure of the spiritual leader Katkov to the conservative camp after the assassination attempt on the emperor by the revolutionary student Karakozov in 1866. And the emperor himself thought about whether it was worth carrying out reforms after such a reaction among the population.

Conservatives, as opponents of liberals, tried in every possible way to limit their activities. They advocated the return of pre-reform orders and were opponents of various transformations. After a series of assassination attempts on Alexander II, in ruling circles The “Dictatorship of the Heart” was proposed, which M. T. Loris-Melikov began to implement. All security agencies were transferred to the control of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, he weakened censorship and lobbied for the dismissal of D. A. Tolstoy from the post of Minister of Public Education. Thanks to these goals, the number of assassinations has decreased and the situation in the country has stabilized.4.4. Total ratings received: 315.

Question 1. Who are liberals? How are liberals different from conservatives?

Answer. Conservatives, depending on the country, either almost always opposed reforms in principle (as in Russia), or for prudent reforms without haste (as in Great Britain). Liberals, on the contrary, advocated reforms that were especially significant for Russia. Liberalism proclaims the rights and freedoms of every person as the highest value and establishes them as the legal basis of social and economic order. At the same time, the possibilities of the state and church to influence the life of society are limited by the constitution. The most important freedoms in modern liberalism are the freedom to speak publicly, the freedom to choose religion, and the freedom to choose representatives in fair and free elections.

Question 2. What were the features of post-reform liberalism?

Answer. Post-reform liberalism is marked by numerous splits in the movement. Liberalism proclaims freedom of ideas and freedom of speech. This freedom manifested itself especially clearly within the framework of the liberal movement itself. Its prominent figures did not believe that they should be united; rather, they proudly stood up for what each of them considered to be true. Disagreements arose on the following key Issues.

1) Tver address. In 1862, a group of Tver nobles sent the emperor an address in which they advocated early elections to the central body of people's representation. According to the authors of the address, it is he, and not the emperor, who should carry out reforms, only then will they be truly useful for Russia and supported by all the people. The authors renounced their class privileges, that is, they wanted to be perceived not as nobles, but simply as honest Russians. Despite this, a number of liberal university professors of non-noble origins argued that the nobles were seeking popular representation, which they perceived as noble representation, in order to reverse the peasant reform. There have already been such cases in the world, but specifically the Tver nobility did not show any signs of such intentions.

2) A group of university professors sharply condemned the methods of suppressing student unrest at St. Petersburg University and resigned in the fall of 1861. Other liberals supported the government on this issue and did not support the professors' protest.

3) Uprising on the lands of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1863-1864. The uprising was virtually drowned in blood. Count Mikhail Nikolaevich Muravyov-Vilensky, who suppressed the uprising in the Vilna Governor-General (that is, on the territory of modern Lithuania and Belarus), even received the nicknames Muravyov the Hangman and Muravyov the Executioner. Some liberals condemned the government's actions as contrary to liberal values. But other liberals supported the suppression of the uprising on the lands of Russia's centuries-old enemy out of a sense of patriotism.

Question 3. What changes took place in the liberal movement in the 70s and early 80s?

Answer. In the 1870s–1880s, zemstvos became the main field of activity for liberals. They again lost faith that the government would carry out all the necessary reforms in their opinion and went back to the fight against the autocracy. Some liberals even advocated an alliance with revolutionary movement. But the idea of ​​​​cooperating the efforts of zemstvos to jointly put pressure on the government became more popular. The government's response has also changed. At the beginning of his reign, Alexander II listened to the enlightened part of Russian society. But in the last two decades of the emperor’s term, the government perceived the liberals as its opponents, almost as dangerous as the revolutionaries. The authorities missed the opportunity to unite with liberals to jointly fight against attempts to forcefully change the political system.

Question 4. What do you see as common ground between liberals and conservatives of the post-reform era?

Answer. Points of contact:

1) after the Crimean War, both of them understood the need for reform;

2) both did not resort to violent forms of struggle;

3) both conservatives and some liberals supported the suppression of some protests, such as the student riots of 1861;

4) both conservatives and some liberals supported the suppression of the uprising in the lands of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1863-1864.

Question 5. What were the features of Russian conservatism?

Answer. Conservatives did not deny the need for change as such. After the defeat in the Crimean War, defending the system of the times of Nicholas I would not have been at all reasonable. But they spoke out sharply against the reforms in the form in which they were carried out, in favor of curtailing many of them and returning influence to the nobility.

The most popular philosophical and socio-political movements in modern science. Anarchism and Marxism were also very popular throughout the 20th century, but now they are finding fewer and fewer supporters.

At the same time, it is necessary to know and be able to distinguish all these socio-political trends in order to understand social science and jurisprudence.

Liberal teachings

Socialism, liberalism, conservatism are socio-political movements, the representatives of which are most represented today in the parliaments of countries around the world. Let's take a closer look at them.

The liberal movement gained great popularity in the 20th century. Liberalism clearly stands for the rights and freedoms of any person, regardless of his nationality, religion, beliefs and social status. At the same time, he places these rights and freedoms above all else, proclaiming them to be the main value. Moreover, under liberalism they represent the basis of economic and social life.

The influence of church and state on public institutions is strictly controlled and limited in accordance with the constitution. The main thing that liberals are striving for is permission to speak freely, choose a religion or renounce it, and freely vote in fair and independent elections for any candidates.

In economic life, socialism, liberalism, and conservatism rely on different priorities. Liberals advocate complete free trade and business activity.

In the field of jurisprudence, the main thing is the supremacy of law over all branches of government. Everyone is equal before the letter of the law, regardless of social and financial status. Comparing liberalism, conservatism, socialism helps to better remember and understand how each of these movements differs from each other.

Socialism

Socialism places the principle of social justice at the forefront. And also equality and freedom. In the broadest sense of the word, socialism is a social system that lives according to the above principles.

The global goal of socialism is the overthrow of capitalism and the construction of a perfect society in the future - communism. This social system must end the prehistory of humanity and become the beginning of its new, true history, say the founders and ideologists of this movement. To achieve this goal, all resources are mobilized and applied.

Socialism, liberalism, conservatism differ in their main principles. For socialists, this is the rejection of private property in favor of public property, as well as the introduction of public control over the use of natural subsoil and resources. Everything in the state is perceived as common - this is one of the fundamental principles of the doctrine.

Conservatism

The main thing in conservatism is adherence to traditional, established values ​​and orders, as well as religious doctrines. Preservation of traditions and existing social institutions is the main thing that conservatives stand for.

In domestic politics, the main value for them is the existing state and social order. Conservatives are categorically against radical reforms and compare them with extremism.

In foreign policy, adherents of this ideology focus on strengthening security under external influence and allow the use of force to resolve political conflicts. At the same time, they maintain friendly relations with traditional allies, while distrusting new partners.

Anarchism

When talking about liberalism, conservatism, socialism, anarchism one cannot fail to mention. This is based on absolute freedom. Its main goal is the destruction of any possible way exploitation of one person by another.

Instead of power, anarchists propose to introduce mutually beneficial cooperation between individuals. Power, in their opinion, should be abolished, since it is based on the suppression of everyone else by rich and status people.

All relationships in society should be based on the personal interest of each person, as well as on his voluntary consent, maximum mutual assistance and personal responsibility. At the same time, the main thing is the elimination of any manifestations of power.

Marxism

In order to thoroughly study conservatism, liberalism, socialism, Marxism, it is also necessary to know and understand. This teaching left a serious imprint on most social institutions of the 20th century.

This is based philosophical doctrine in the 19th century by Karl Marx and, subsequently, different parties and political movements often interpreted this teaching in their own way.

In fact, Marxism is one of the varieties of socialism; they have much in common in all areas. Three components are key to this theory. Historical materialism, when the history of human society is understood as special case natural Also the doctrine of when the final price of a product is not determined by the rules of the market, but depends only on the efforts expended for its production. In addition, the basis of Marxism is the idea of ​​the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Comparison of scientific theories

In order to thoroughly understand what each theory means, it is best to use comparison questions. Liberalism, conservatism, socialism in this case will appear as clear and distinct concepts.

The main thing to understand is the role of the state in economic life under each of these teachings, the position on solving social public problems, and also what each system sees as the limits of a citizen’s personal freedom.

If you find an error, please select a piece of text and press Ctrl+Enter.